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I have carefully considered the Resolution of the House of Representatives, of the fourth instant, requesting the president to communicate to that House, “any instructions which may have been given to any of the officers of the army or Navy of the United States, or other persons, in regard to the return of President General Lopez De Santa Anna, or any other Mexican to the Republic of Mexico, prior or subsequent to the order of the President or Secretary of War, issued in January 1846, for the march of the army from the Nueces River, across “the stupendous deserts,” which intervene to the Rio Grande; that the date of all such instructions, orders and correspondence be set forth, together with the instructions and orders issued to M^r Slidell at any time prior or subsequent, to his departure for Mexico, as Minister

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Plenipotentiary of the United States to that Republic—” and requesting the President also, to “communicate all the orders and correspondence of the Government in relation to the return of General Paredes to Mexico.”

I transmit herewith Reports from the Secretary of State, the secretary of War, and the Secretary of the navy, with ^the^ documents accompanying the same, which contain all the information in the possession of the Executive, which it is deemed compata^I^ble with the public interests to communicate.

For further information, relating to the return of Santa Anna to Mexico, I refer you to my annual message of December 8^th 1846. The facts and considerations stated in that message, induced the order, a copy of which is [...?], of the Secretary of the navy, to the commander of our Squadron in the Gulf of Mexico. ^a copy of which is herewith communicated.^ This order was issued simultaneously with the order to blockade the coasts of Mexico, both bearing date the 13^th of May 1846, the day on which the existence of the war with Mexico was recognized by Congress. It was issued solely upon the views of policy, presented in that message, and without any understanding

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on the subject, direct or indirect with Santa Anna, or any other person.

Gen^l Paredes evaded the vigilance of our combined forces by land and sea, and made his way back to Mexico, from the exile into which he had been driven, landing at vera cruz, after that city and the castle of San Juan d’Alloa, were in our military occupation, as will appear from the accompanying Reports and documents.

The resolution calls for the “instructions and orders, issued to M^r Slidell at any time prior or subsequent to his departure for Mexico as Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to that Republic.” The customary and usual reservation, contained in calls of either House of Congress, upon the Executive for information, relating to our intercourse with Foreign nations, has been omitted in the resolution before me. The call of the House is unconditional. It is, that, the information, requested be communicated, and thereby^[?]^ be made public, whether in the opinion of the Executive, who is charged by the constitution with the duty of conducting negotiations with Foreign powers, such information when disclosed would be prejudicial to the public interests or not. It has been a subject of serious deliberation with me, whether I could consistently with my constitutional duty, and my sense of the public interests involved and to be affected by it, violate an important principle, always heretofore held sacred by my predecessors, as I should do by a compliance with the request

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of the House.

President Washington in a message to the House of Representatives, of the 30^th of March 1796, declined to comply with a request contained in a resolution of that body, to lay before them, “a copy of the instructions to the Minister of the United States, who negotiated the Treaty with the King of Great Britain”—“together with the correspondence and other documents, relative to the said Treaty; excepting such of the said papers, as any existing negotiations, may render improper to be disclosed.” In assigning his reasons for declining to comply with the call, he declared that, “the nature of Foreign negotiations requires caution, and their success must ^often^ depend on secresy; and even when brought to a conclusion, a full disclosure of ^all^ the measures, demands and eventual concessions, which may have been proposed or contemplated, would be extremely impolitic: for this might have a pernicious influence on future negotiations, or produce immediate inconveniences; perhaps danger and mischief in relation to other Powers. The necessity of such caution and secresy was one cogent reason for vesting the power of making Treaties in the President, with the advice

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and consent of the Senate; the principle on which that body was formed, confining it, to a small number of members. To admit then, a right in the House of Representatives to demand, and to have, as a matter of course, all the papers respecting a negotiation with a Foreign Power, would be to establish a dangerous precedent.”

In that case the instructions and documents called for, related to a Treaty which had been concluded and ratified by the President and Senate, and the negotiations in relation to it, had been terminated. Here was an express reservation too, “excepting” from the call, all such papers as related to “any existing negotiations” which it might be improper to disclose. In that case President Washington deemed it to be a violation of an important principle, the establishment of a “dangerous precedent” and prejudicial to the public interest, to comply with the call of the House.

Without deeming it to be necessary on the present occassion, to examine or decide upon the other reasons assigned by him, for his refusal to communicate the information requested by the House, the one which is herein recited, is in my judgement conclusive in the case under

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consideration.

Indeed the objections to complying with the request of the House, contained in the resolution before me, are much stronger, than those which existed in the case of the resolution in 1796. This resolution calls for the “instructions and orders” to the Minister of the United States to Mexico, which relate to negotiations which have not been terminated, and which may be resumed. The information called for, respects negotiations which the United States offered to open with Mexico, immediately preceding the commencement of the existing war. The instructions given to the Minister of the United States, relate to ^the^ differences between the two countries, out of which the war grew, and the terms of adjustment, which we were prepared to offer to Mexico, in our anxiety to prevent the war. These differences still remain unsettled, and to comply with the call of the House, would be to make public through that channel, and to communicate to Mexico, now a public enemy, engaged in war, information which could not fail to produce serious embarrassment in any future negotiation between the two countries.

I have heretefore communicated to Congress all the correspondence of the minister of the United States to Mexico, which in the existing state of our

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relations with that Republic, can in my judgement, be at this time, communicated without serious injury to the public interest.

Entertaining this conviction, and with a sincere desire to furnish any information which may be in possession of the Executive Department, and which either House of Congress may at any time request, I regard it to be my constitutional right and my solemn duty, under the circumstances of this case, to decline a compliance with the request of the House contained in their resolution.