Summary of Speech at Greenville, Illinois, 13 September 18581
According to his appointment, Hon. A. Lincoln delivered a speech in Greenville on Monday the 13th inst.—2The most of our readers were present and heard it, and we have reason to believe,
were highly pleased with it. It was clear, logical, argumentative, eloquent, powerful
and convincing. In a most able manner did Mr. Lincoln clear up and refute the charges
that he was an Abolitionist and an Amalgamationist, and in favor of placing negroes upon a social and political
quality with the whites.3 He asserted positively, and proved conclusively by his former acts and speeches
that he was not in favor of interfering with slavery in the States where it exists,
nor ever had been. That he was not even in favor of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, unless a majority of the people of the District should be in favor of it, and remuneration
should be made to masters who might be unwilling to give up their slaves without compensation;
and even then he would want it done gradually.4 He also showed clearly, what nobody but the Democrats deny, that slavery is a great moral, social, and political evil, and was so looked
upon by all the fathers of the Government—that the institution was considered a foul
blot on the Nation, which would at some future day be removed. Mr. Lincoln said he
had always believed as the fathers did, that it would in the course of time be entirely
removed from our country, until the new policy of nationalizing it had been set on
foot.—5 Since that time he had believed it would either become alike lawful in all the States,
or that eventually, in God’s own good time and way, it would finally disappear. But
whether it should ever become extinct or not, he was in favor of living up to all
the guarantees of the Constitution. Whatever constitutional rights the slaveholders
might have, he was in favor of protecting them.
On the other hand, he was opposed to the new doctrine that the Constitution carried
slavery into all the Territories, and protects it there against the wishes of the
people. It had always, until lately, been held that slavery was a creature of positive
local legislation, and did not legally exist anywhere, in the absence of such legislation.
Yet he admitted that practically it would exist where there was no legislation in
regard to it; that it had been so planted where ever it has existed. That it would be taken into new Territories, and there permitted
to remain, until legislation would become necessary to protect it, when such legislation
would be enacted, and it would thereby become legalized.6
1This summary appeared in the September 16, 1858 edition of the Greenville Advocate.
Greenville Advocate (IL), 16 September 1858, 2:1.
2Abraham Lincoln was the Republican candidate from Illinois for the U.S. Senate. In the summer and fall of 1858, he crisscrossed Illinois delivering speeches and
campaigning on behalf of Republican candidates for the Illinois General Assembly. At this time the Illinois General Assembly elected the state’s representatives in
the U.S. Senate, thus the outcome of races for the Illinois House of Representatives and Illinois Senate were of importance to Lincoln’s campaign. He ran against, and lost to, Democrat Stephen A. Douglas, the incumbent. See 1858 Illinois Republican Convention; 1858 Federal Election.
Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 1:458, 486-87, 556-57; Allen
C. Guelzo, “Houses Divided: Lincoln, Douglas, and the Political Landscape of 1858,”
The Journal of American History 94 (September 2007), 392.
3An amalgamationist was believed to support the merging—or amalgamation—of the black
and white races through, in this context, interracial marriage or sexual activity.
In the first Lincoln-Douglas Debate in Ottawa on August 21, Douglas had charged of Lincoln, “He holds that the negro was born his
equal and yours, and that he was endowed with equality by the Almighty, and that no
human law can deprive him of these rights which were guarantied to him by the Supreme
ruler of the Universe. Now, I do not believe that the Almighty ever intended the negro
to be the equal of the white man.” Douglas also accused Lincoln of wanting to free
enslaved women so that he could marry one.
Philip Babcock Grove, ed., Webster’s Third New International Dictionary (Springfield, MA: G. & C. Merriam, 1971), 65; Webb Garrison and Cheryl Garrison,
The Encyclopedia of Civil War Usage (Nashville, TN: Cumberland House, 2001), 9; First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois; First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois; First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois; Report of Speech at Beardstown, Illinois; Summary of Speech at Beardstown, Illinois.
4In Lincoln’s second debate with Douglas at Freeport on August 27, Lincoln directly responded to Douglas’s question regarding slavery
in Washington, DC: “I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.” He then expanded
upon his beliefs in the matter: “I have my mind very distinctly made up. I should
be exceedingly glad to see slavery abolished in the District of Columbia. I believe
that Congress possesses the constitutional power to abolish it. Yet as a member of Congress, I
should not with my present views, be in favor of endeavoring to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, unless it would be upon these conditions.
First, that the abolition should be gradual. Second, that it should be on a vote of the majority of qualified voters in the District,
and third, that compensation should be made to unwilling owners.”
Second Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Freeport, Illinois; Second Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Freeport, Illinois; Second Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Freeport, Illinois.
5Douglas argued that George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and other founders created the U.S. government divided into free and slave states,
leaving each state to do as it pleased in regard to slavery. Lincoln disagreed, stating
that these founders placed slavery on the path to ultimate extinction, and if slavery
had just been left alone it would have gradually faded away.
First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois; First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois; First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois.
6Lincoln believed that the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act in 1854, establishing popular sovereignty as a means of deciding slave status for
southwestern territories, was part of a larger conspiracy to make slavery perpetual
and national. During his nomination at the 1858 Illinois Republican Convention, Lincoln
delivered an address—widely known as his “House Divided” speech—in which he charged
that Douglas was part of a plot or conspiracy to nationalize slavery. Lincoln argued
that the plot began with Douglas’s Kansas-Nebraska bill, which President Franklin Pierce supported, then was advanced by both the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in the Dred Scott case—handed down by Roger B. Taney—and by President James Buchanan’s call to support the court’s decision. Lincoln warned his audience that, if Douglas
were not defeated and the slave power not overthrown, another Supreme Court ruling
could build upon the Dred Scott decision and proclaim that the U.S. Constitution prohibited
states from excluding slavery within their own borders.
Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 1:458-61; Report of Speech at Springfield, Illinois; Report of Speech at Springfield, Illinois; Fragment of A House Divided Speech at Springfield, Illinois; Report of Speech at Springfield, Illinois; David Herbert Donald, Lincoln (New York: Touchstone, 1995), 206-9.
Copy of Printed Document, 1 page(s), Greenville Advocate , (Greenville, IL) , 16 September 1858, 2:1.