Samuel L. Baker to Abraham Lincoln, 6 September 18581
Chicago, IllinoisSept 6. /58.Dr[Dear] Sir
When I was East I saw Gov. Seward, & he wanted I should go & see Hon John Bell of Tennessee & get him to make a speech, or write a letter to be published in this state to get the American vote for you–2 Seward assured me if Bell was called upon & told what we wanted him to do, he would
do it in the right way to help us– I have been waiting to see you, as I dont wish to do anything without first consulting you & be sure to help our cause, if
a move is made in that direction. Seward says if Bell leads off, Crittenden of Kentucky will follow–3 What say you? if you
Truly YoursS. L. Baker.<Page 2>
<Page 3>
think advisable, I will see what can be done & go & see Senator Bell, if necessary–
Seward says he knows it will be all right & that Bell will know how to do it, if he
is only told what we want done. Please write & tell me if you wish me to move in that
quarter– Seward & Weed both assured me they would do all they could to help us with money & otherwise–4<Page 4>
1Abraham Lincoln wrote this letter and signed Samuel L. Baker’s name. The original
letter in Baker’s hand is not extant.
2Baker had traveled to the East seeking assistance of Republicans in the East in Lincoln’s campaign for the U.S. Senate. In June 1858, Illinois Republicans had nominated Lincoln as their standard bearer
against Stephen A. Douglas, the Democratic incumbent. Following Douglas’s split with President James Buchanan over the latter’s support of the Lecompton Constitution, Seward, Thurlow Weed, Horace Greeley, and other Republicans in the East toyed with the idea of supporting his bid for
reelection. Although Douglas later denied it, he courted Republican support—meeting
in person with prominent men such as Greeley and hinting in correspondence with Republicans
that he was finished with the Democratic Party. See the 1858 Illinois Republican Convention.
The collapse of the Whig Party in American politics in the early 1850s created a fractured electorate that several
new parties attempted to capitalize upon. One of these was the anti-slavery Republican
Party while another was the American Party, also known as the Know Nothing Party. The American Party was an anti-Catholic, anti-immigrant, nativist party that saw mild success, although the party was never
able to elect any members to national office. In 1856, former members of the largely
defunct Whig Party drifted between the Republican Party, the American Party, and,
to a lesser extent, the moderate wing of the Democratic Party. See the 1856 Federal Election. By 1858, former members of the Whig Party as well as the American Party were an
important source of votes for both Democrats and Republicans in Illinois’s local and
federal elections, and both Lincoln and Douglas worked throughout the campaign season
to garner their support. Although John Bell was not a member of the American Party,
his support would aid any candidate that he endorsed by swaying the votes of those
American Party members that were part of the former Whig Party. Bell, running as a
Constitutional Unionist, would run against and lose to Lincoln in the 1860 Presidential Election.
In the state’s local elections, Republicans won a majority of all votes cast in the
state, but pro-Douglas Democrats retained control of the Illinois General Assembly, which elected U.S. senators in those days, and Douglas ultimately won reelection
to the U.S. Senate. Through the campaign, however, and in particular through his participation
in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates, Lincoln gained recognition as well as standing within the national Republican Party.
Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln and Douglass: The Debates that Defined America, (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2008), 282; Daily Illinois State Journal (Springfield), 3 November 1858, 2:1; Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 1:445-50, 458-60, 492-540,
556-57; Stephen Hansen and Paul Nygard, “Stephen A. Douglas, the Know-Nothings, and
the Democratic Party in Illinois, 1854-1858,” Illinois Historical Journal 87 (Summer 1994), 117-29; Joseph Howard Parks, John Bell of Tennessee (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1950), 358-88; Allen C. Guelzo, “Houses
Divided: Lincoln, Douglas, and the Political Landscape of 1858,” The Journal of American History 94 (September 2007), 392-94, 414-16.
3Bell and John J. Crittenden were a prominent former Whig and political allies. In March 1858, they were the only two Southerner senators
joining Douglas to vote against the admission of Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton Constitution.
Albert D. Kirwan, John J. Crittenden: The Struggle for the Union (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1962), 325-31; Daniel W. Crofts, “Bell,
John,” American National Biography, ed. by John A. Garraty and Mark C. Carnes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999),
2:510; Joseph Howard Parks, John Bell of Tennessee, 328; David M. Potter and Don E. Fehrenbacher, The Impending Crisis, 1848-1861 (New York: Harper & Row, 1976), 322.
4No request or response to this letter has been identified.
Bell neither wrote a letter or delivered a speech on behalf of Lincoln during the
campaign for Senate. And though he shared Douglas’s aversion for the Lecompton Constitution,
Bell did not endorse Douglas. Crittenden did become embroiled, however, in the campaign.
On July 7, 1858, Lincoln wrote to his former congressional colleague Crittenden of Kentucky to ask whether rumors of Crittenden’s support for Douglas were true. Crittenden
was widely regarded as the natural successor to Henry Clay, and Lincoln worried that a Crittenden endorsement for Douglas would hurt his chances
with his former Whig brethren in Illinois. Crittenden welcomed Lincoln's rise to political
prominence, but had little sympathy with the Republican Party. Crittenden responded on July 29, assuring Lincoln that he was remembered favorably. Crittenden explained,
however, that he and Douglas, though always belonging to different political parties
and "opposed, in politics, to each other," shared a strong aversion to the Lecompton
Constitution. The Buchanan administration's harsh response to Douglas and use of its
power to prevent his reelection brought sympathy from Crittenden. He wrote of Douglas,
"I could not but wish for his success— and his triumph over such a persecution– I
thought that his re-election was necessary as a rebuke to the Administration, and
a vindication of the great cause of popular rights & public justice." Crittenden admitted
that he had shared his support of Douglas in various conversations but that he had
only sent a handful of letters in which "Mr Douglas was alluded to and recommended."
Going forward, he wrote, he could not promise anything, only that, "Whatever my future
course may be, I trust that I shall so act as to give no just cause of offence to
any candid & liberal friend, even tho' he may differ with me in opinion."
Though expressing "no disposition for officious intermeddling" in his letter to Lincoln, Crittenden nonetheless became embroiled in election controversy. On July
19, T. Lyle Dickey, a former Whig and Lincoln supporter who had defected to the Democrats and Douglas,
wrote Crittenden requesting that he confirm a conversation with Dickey in April 1858
where Crittenden praised Douglas. On August 1, Crittenden wrote Dickey confirming
the conversation and his praise for Douglas's service to Illinois and his principled
position on the Lecompton Constitution. Not wishing to be appear "to be an officious
intermeddler" in the election, Crittenden requested that Dickey, should he speak of
the conversation or letter, "acquit me of any intermeddling, or of the presumption
of seeking to obtrude myself or my sentiments upon the attention of the people of
Illinois." Dickey kept the letter private until October 19, when he read it aloud
in a speech denouncing Lincoln for abandoning Clay and Whiggery. The Daily Illinois State Journal sought to mitigate the damage by claiming that Crittenden's letter to Dickey was
a forgery and by suggesting that Crittenden had written Lincoln--presumably Crittenden's
letter of July 29--supporting opposition against Douglas. The Daily Missouri Republican demanded that Lincoln publish this letter. The Illinois State Journal continued to misrepresent Crittenden's correspondence with Lincoln, prompting Owen
G. Cates of Saint Louis to write Crittenden asking if he wrote such a letter. On October 28, Crittenden responded
in a telegram: "I have written no such letter." Crittenden's letter to Dickey, Dickey's
speech, and Crittenden's subsequent telegram hurt Lincoln in the old Whig stronghold
of Central Illinois, contributing to Lincoln's loss to Douglas.
Daniel W. Crofts, “Bell, John,” American National Biography, 2:510;Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life, 1:456-57, 542-43, 546-47; Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln and Douglas: The Debates that Defined America, 273-76; The Louisville Daily Journal (Louisville, KY), 26 October 1858, 2:1; Daily Missouri Republican (Saint Louis, MO), 25 October 1858, 2:1; 29 October 1858, 2:1; Abraham Lincoln to John J. Crittenden; John J. Crittenden to Abraham Lincoln.
Handwritten Transcription, 4 page(s), Abraham Lincoln Papers, Library of Congress (Washington, DC).