Norman B. Judd to Abraham Lincoln, 20 November, 18581
Chicago 20 Nov 58Dear LincolnYour two favors are at hand– I shall not use the $250.2 authority given in it unless absolutely compelled to do it & I think a letter from
you to some of our friends who are wealthy would bring a contribution and that was
my principal object in writing to you–3 I am glad you are in such good spirits– So far from loosing any thing (but time and money) you have made a reputation that it would require years of Servise in the U.S. Senate, according to the usual routine to [...?] acquire– I am for continuing the fight,4 as I still believe that Douglass at the next
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session will do something to destroy his present position– 5 I have an abiding confidence in his ability and willingness to eat dirt at the command
of his masters now that he thinks his return to the senate certain– 6 I freely confess that the future does not look hopeful to me– Our now exposed conditions
to "unfriendly" and partizan legislation may color my views–7 I do not like to be dependent upon ^the expectation^ another mans mistaken action as the basis of my future Success
I have no doubt of the intention of Jeff. Davis, Slidell, Bright and Fitch, of driving him to the wall by committals before our legislature meets– 8 Whether they will succeed in this matter that they have is a little uncertain
I am ready at the next Session to convene carry out the or-
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ganization that has been commenced and work till we do succeed. I have some sand in
my gizzard yet
Bunn, Williams and Irwin ought each to give $100. to the State com. fund and they will do it if you tell them they ought9
Yr[Your] friendN B Judd<Page 4>
[Envelope]
CHICAGO Ill.[Illinois]
NOV[NOVEMBER] 22 1858Hon. A. LincolnSpringfieldIlls
NOV[NOVEMBER] 22 1858Hon. A. LincolnSpringfieldIlls
1Norman B. Judd wrote and signed this letter. He also wrote Abraham Lincoln’s name
and address on the envelope.
2Norman B. Judd was the head of the Illinois Republican State Central Committee. The Illinois Republican Party had run a full slate of candidates in the state and federal elections of 1858 and
was deep in debt in the aftermath of the election campaign. Abraham Lincoln was among
the Republican candidates for election, having run against Stephen A. Douglas, the Democratic incumbent, for the U.S. Senate. Republicans had won the popular vote in the state elections but gerrymandering of
election districts, based as they were on the census of 1850, allowed pro-Douglas
Democrats to retain control of the Illinois General Assembly, which elected U.S. senators in those days, allowing Douglas to retain his seat.
See 1858 Federal Election; 1858 Illinois Republican Convention.
Judd wrote Lincoln on the 15th of November, asking for help to cover an estimated $2,500 debt
from the election campaign. Lincoln responded, offering $250 to help cover the debts
incurred during the campaign. This was the second of Lincoln’s “two favors” to Judd;
he also wrote him on November 15.
Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 1:458, 552; Harry E. Pratt,
The Personal Finances of Abraham Lincoln (Springfield, IL: Abraham Lincoln Association, 1943), 105-6; Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln and Douglass: The Debates that Defined America, (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2008), 282, 285; Allen C. Guelzo, “Houses Divided:
Lincoln, Douglas, and the Political Landscape of 1858,” The Journal of American History, 94 (September 2007), 392-94, 415-16; Abraham Lincoln to Norman B. Judd; Abraham Lincoln to Norman B. Judd; Abraham Lincoln to Norman B. Judd; Abraham Lincoln to Norman B. Judd.
3Lincoln, along with Ozias M. Hatch and Jesse K. Dubois met Judd’s request to appeal to wealthy Republicans and sent a letter to Newton Bateman asking for financial assistance to cover the $2,500 debt.
4In his letter to Judd of November 15, Lincoln expressed the view that despite his
loss against Douglas, the fight for the Republican Party’s cause should continue.
Lincoln maintained support from within the Republican Party and few party members
placed the blame on him for the Republican loss in Illinois state legislative elections.
His conduct in the campaign and his arguments in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates centered him at the front of Republican political thought. Chester P. Dewey, a correspondent for the New York Evening Post, wrote that Lincoln had “made hosts of warm friends in the East,” while William H. Hanna of the Chicago Tribune wrote Lincoln that “I give you my hand on the next great fight and when it comes I shall
not fail to be with you.” Lincoln’s conduct in the 1858 campaign immediately created
national support within the party.
Abraham Lincoln to Norman B. Judd; Abraham Lincoln to Norman B. Judd; Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln and Douglass: The Debates that Defined America, 301-3; Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life, 1:553-57.
5Lincoln and Douglas participated in seven joint debates across Illinois in the months leading up to the Senate election of 1858. The core
issue in this race was how the status of slavery should be decided in new states joining
the Union. Douglas stood on the idea of popular sovereignty: that people living in
the territories being admitted to the Union should have the power over whether or
not that state would be admitted as a free state or a slave state. Lincoln ran on
the Republican platform of limiting the expansion of slavery. Douglas defined his
stance in the first debate in Ottawa when he said, describing the intention of the Kansas-Nebraska Act: “It is the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any State or Territory, or to exclude it therefrom,
but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic
institutions in their own way, subject only to the federal constitution.”
The Dred Scott Decision was a recurring issue in the debates. The U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in this case,
which banned the exclusion of slavery from U. S. territories, stood against Douglas’s
popular sovereignty doctrine. Lincoln addressed this contradiction at the second debate at Freeport when he asked Douglas, “Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful
way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its
limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution?” Douglas’s response to this
question was “It matters not what way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to
the abstract question whether slavery may or may not go into a territory under the
constitution, the people have the lawful means to introduce it or exclude it as they
please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere, unless
it is supported by local police regulations. Those police regulations can only be
established by the local legislature; and if the people are opposed to slavery, they
will elect representatives to that body who will by unfriendly legislation effectually
prevent the introduction of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they are for
it, their legislation will favor its extension. Hence, no matter what the decision
of the Supreme Court may be on that abstract question, still the right of the people
to make a slave territory or a free territory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska Bill.” This answer, in which Douglas affirmed his support of popular sovereignty over
his support of the ruling in Scott v. Sandford, became known as the Freeport Doctrine.
This stance was popular among Illinois Democrats, who supported the popular sovereignty
doctrine espoused by Douglas and elected him to the Senate in the election of 1858.
This stance was enough to win the Senate election in Illinois, but it was very unpopular
among the Southern Democrats who supported the Dred Scott decision and saw it as a
massive step in spreading slavery into new territories and states. Douglas national
reputation among Democrats was tarnished and he would never recover. He would lose
the presidential election to Lincoln in 1860.
Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln and Douglass: The Debates that Defined America, 168; Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life, 1:553-57; Don E. Fehrenbacher, The Dred Scott Case: Its Significance in American Law and Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), 239-416; First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois; First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois; First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois; Second Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Freeport, Illinois; Second Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Freeport, Illinois; Second Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Freeport, Illinois; Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393 (1857).
6Although the state legislative elections were held on November 2, 1858, Douglas’s
victory was not officially confirmed by the Illinois General Assembly until January
5, 1859. Douglas would defeat Lincoln by a vote of fifty-four to forty-six.
Daily Illinois State Journal (Springfield, IL), 3 November 1858, 2:1; 6 January 1859, 2:2; Illinois Senate Journal. 1859. 21st G. A., 30; Illinois House Journal. 1859. 21st G. A., 32.
7Many Republican leaders in Illinois were fearful Democrats would gerrymander the House
and Senate districts to keep control of the General Assembly. As Lincoln noted his
letter to Judd of November 15, this threatened the reelection of Lyman Trumbull to the U.S. Senate in 1860. In the state elections of 1860, Republicans won control
of both the Illinois House and Senate, gaining a one seat majority in the Senate and
five seat majority in the House, allowing Trumbull to win reelection.
Abraham Lincoln to Norman B. Judd; Abraham Lincoln to Norman B. Judd; Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life, 1:546-47; Daily Illinois State Journal (Springfield), 9 November, 1858, 2:1; 6 January 1859, 2:2; Illinois Daily State Journal (Springfield), 11 December 1860, 2:3; Ottawa Free Trade (IL), 15 December 1860, 1:6; Illinois Senate Journal. 1855. 19th G. A., 255; Illinois Senate Journal. 1861. 22th G. A., 32;
Illinois House Journal. 1861. 22th G. A., 31.
8Douglas, who broke with President James Buchanan and his administration in December 1857 over the Lecompton Constitution, faced open hostility from his Democratic colleagues when he returned to Washington,
DC, for the second session of the Thirty-Fifth Congress, scheduled to open on December
6, 1858. Senators James Slidell, Jesse Bright, and Graham Fitch, among others, were,
as one senator wrote, “keen for his blood.” Administration supporters succeeded
in getting Douglas removed as chairman of the Committee on Territories, hoping to
provoke him into an attack on the administration. Jefferson Davis and others were
looking for Douglas to clarify his position on slavery in the territories in light
of the Freeport Doctrine. Douglas refused, however, to address the Freeport Doctrine
or his removal and avoided any action which could be construed as opposing the administration
or the South. He would finally addressed the Southern senators during a debate in
the Senate in February 1859.
Biographical Directory of the American Congress 1774-1996
(Alexandria, VA: CQ Staff Directories, 1997), 155; Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life, 1:445; Robert W. Johannsen, Stephen A. Douglas (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), 685-97.
Autograph Letter Signed, 4 page(s), Abraham Lincoln Papers, Library of Congress (Washington, DC).