Summary of Speech at Monmouth, Illinois, 11 October 18581
Mr. Lincoln was received at the stand by Dr. Gilbert, our late member of the Legislature, in a very eloquent speech, of which I will not attempt to give any synopsis. The
Monmouth Republican Glee Club then gave us one of their original songs, and here let me say that they can’t be
beat.2 Mr. Lincoln was then introduced to the audience by Philo E. Reed, Esq.[Esquire], President of the day. Of his speech I will only say that it lasted three hours,
and that during all that time the whole audience seemed perfectly wrapt in attention, and that in power, pathos and eloquence, I have never heard it equalled.3 The Toombs bill was shown up,4 Dug’s miserable attempt to lead off Old Clay Whigs was held up to the scorn and contempt of the crowd. Said Mr. Lincoln: “Judge Douglas is attempting to administer upon the political assets of Henry Clay. It is usual for the administrator to be a creditor or of kin to the deceased.
Henry Clay did not owe anything politically to his old enemy, Douglas, and as to Douglas
being of any kind of kin to him, everybody knows they never had a single feeling in
unison, and that Douglas was one of his most virulent abusers while living. And he
is a pretty man to undertake to wrap the mantle of Clay around him, and strut about
trying to palm himself off as his political administrator.”5
1This speech was summarized in the Chicago Daily Press and Tribune and published in the October 15, 1858 edition. It appears about midway down the second
column on the second page. The Monmouth Review published a fuller summary of Lincoln’s speech.
2It was common to have several preliminary speeches and performances before a main
speaker at political rallies during campaigns in the 1850s. In this case, the content
of Gilbert’s speech has not been located.
Lincoln was in Monmouth leading up to the state and federal elections of 1858. Lincoln was running against
Stephen A. Douglas, the Democratic incumbent, in the 1858 Federal Election as the Illinois Republican Party’s candidate for the U.S. Senate. He traveled heavily during the summer and fall of 1858, crisscrossing Illinois delivering speeches and campaigning on behalf of Republican candidates for federal and state office. In addition to his individual engagements,
Lincoln debated Douglas at seven locations around the state. At the time, the Illinois General Assembly elected the state’s representatives in the U.S. Senate; thus the outcome of the races
for the Illinois House of Representatives and the Illinois Senate was highly relevant to the Lincoln’s candidacy. See the 1858 Illinois Republican Convention.
Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 1:458; Allen C. Guelzo, “Houses
Divided: Lincoln, Douglas, and the Political Landscape of 1858,” The Journal of American History 94 (September 2007), 394; George Fort Milton, "Lincoln-Douglas Debates," Dictionary of American History, rev. ed. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1976), 4:155-56.
3In the summary from the Monmouth Review, Lincoln addressed Douglas’s accusations that Lincoln was a political tool of the
Illinois Central Railroad, that he and Lyman Trumbull were seeking to “abolitionize” former Whigs and Democrats, that Lincoln had offered
“aid and comfort to the enemy” during the Mexican War, and that Lincoln had authorized a series of radical resolutions at an Anti-Nebraksa Convention in 1854. Lincoln also dwelt on his belief that Douglas was part of a conspiracy to
nationalize slavery.
4On June 23, 1856, Robert A. Toombs announced his intention of introducing a bill that would supposedly quell the escalating
political violence in Kansas. The so-called Toombs Bill sought to resolve issues in the Kansas Territory by formulating a process for bringing the territory into the union as a new state.
The bill proposed taking a census of the Kansas Territory’s inhabitants, empowering
President Franklin Pierce to appoint five commissioners to ensure that voting integrity existed in the territory,
and authorizing white men over twenty-one years of age residing in the territory to
elect a convention to form a state government.
On July 2, the U.S. Senate brought the bill up to a vote and a debate on the bill
ensued, during which Trumbull and others proposed multiple amendments. Douglas participated
in this debate. Trumbull argued that because Toombs’s bill stipulated that the Kansas
Territory’s voters be, in effect, re-registered under federal supervision, that the
bill was asserting the right of the U.S. Congress to regulate and govern the territories and would therefore nullify laws which the
Kansas Territorial Legislature had passed related to the management of its own elections. The Kansas-Nebraska Act did not specify that the U.S. Congress reserved the right to assert its authority
over the territories’ elections. Although the Senate voted to amend the Toombs bill
so that the Kansas Territory’s elections were merely postponed rather than forbidden
until the “complete execution” of the act, Trumbull argued that the bill exposed Douglas
and the Democrats’s hypocrisy on the concept of popular sovereignty. Trumbull proposed
an amendment with language explicitly declaring “all the acts and proceedings” of
the Kansas Territorial Legislature “null and void” as well as an amendment making
it clear that the Kansas Territorial Legislature held the right “at any time to exclude
slavery . . . or to recognize and regulate it therein.” The Senate rejected both of
these amendments.
Toombs’s bill passed the Senate, which had a Democratic majority, on July 2, but
ultimately failed in the U.S. House of Representatives, in which Republicans held a majority.
S. 356. 34th Cong. 1st sess. (1856); Cong. Globe, 34th Cong., 1st Sess., 1439 (1856); Cong. Globe, 34th Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 778-79, 796-99 (1856); “An Act to Organize the
Territories of Kansas and Nebraska,” 30 May 1854, Statutes at Large of the United States 10 (1855):277-290; Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, The Life of Robert Toombs (New York: Macmillan, 1913), 126, 128; David M. Potter and Don E. Fehrenbacher, The Impending Crisis, 1848-1861 (New York: Harper & Row, 1976), 215.
5This quote is attributed to Lincoln but no text in Lincoln’s has been discovered.
The Whig Party effectively came to an end in the first half of the 1850s as opposition
to the Kansas-Nebraska Act fractured the Whig voter base into several new parties.
The remaining political parties attempted to draw support from the former Whig voters
in an attempt to absorb their numbers and secure political influence. Both Republican
and Democratic candidates made attempts to portray themselves as the successors to
the Whig party. Both Lincoln and Douglas compared themselves to Henry Clay, who was
incredibly popular among the former Whig voter base. Douglas and Clay both worked
on the Compromise of 1850, which temporarily lowered rising tensions over the expansion of slavery into states
that were being admitted into the Union. Clay died in 1852. Douglas portrayed himself
as the successor to Clay in the 1858 campaign, a portrayal that Lincoln refuted in
his own speeches.
In the state’s local elections as a whole, Republicans won a majority of all votes
cast in the state, but pro-Douglas Democrats retained control of the General Assembly
and Douglas ultimately won reelection to the U.S. Senate. Through the campaign, however,
and in particular through his participation in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates, Lincoln gained recognition as well as standing within the national Republican Party.
Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln and Douglas: The Debates that Defined America(New York: Simon & Schuster, 2008), 187, 237, 245; Allen C. Guelzo, “Houses Divided:
Lincoln, Douglas, and the Political Landscape of 1858,” 414-16; Michael F. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian Politics and the Onset of
the Civil War, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 516, 532, 566, 948, 951; Michael Burlingame,
Abraham Lincoln: A Life, 1:493, 510, 538, 556-57; Stephen Hansen and Paul Nygard, “Stephen A. Douglas, the
Know-Nothings, and the Democratic Party in Illinois, 1854-1858,” Illinois Historical Journal 87 (Summer 1994), 123.
Printed Document, 1 page(s), Chicago Daily Press and Tribune, (Chicago, IL), 15 October 1858, 2:2.