The Bissell-Hoffman Fizzle— Lincoln and Palmer’s Speeches.

Pursuant to much drumming and drilling the black republican leaders with the ex-leaders, of dark lanternism hereabouts, got together an assemblage of some two hundred persons at the court house on Tuesday night. The object was to ratify and glorify the nominations made by fusion at Bloomington.2 One third of the crowd, at least, were democrats, present to witness the gyrations of Messrs.[Messieurs] Lincoln, John M. Palmer and Richard Yates in their attempts to wheedle old party associates into the ranks of black republicanism. The latter gentleman was not present. After the claquers3 were properly stationed— among these we observed the prominent leaders of Sam’s corps in this quarter—4 Mr. Lincoln opened his speech, and for more than an hour he bored his audience with one of the weakest speeches that he ever perpetrated. He was evidently laboring under much restraint, conscious that he was doling out new doctrine to the old whigs about him, and fearful that in keeping within moderate bounds, he would so filter his discourse that it would not in any degree reach the end he desired. He would occasionally launch out and lead his hearers to think that the most ultra abolitionism would follow, when, under the old whig eyes we have mentioned, he would soften his remarks to a supposed palatable texture. In this way, backing and filling, he frittered away anything of argument that he might have presented, convincing his audience, however, that his niggerism has as dark a hue as that of Garrison or Fred Douglas, but that his timidity before the peculiar audience he addressed prevented its earnest advocacy with the power and ability he is known to possess.

The gist of his remarks were intended to show that the democratic party favors the extension of slavery, that black republicanism aims to prevent it; by what process we did not learn from him, nor did he furnish any evidence of the truth of his allegation against the democracy. He was opposed to the extension of slavery. So are we. But we desire to see it done in a constitutional manner— by the act of the people interested.5 For leaving the decision of the question there, by the adjustment of ‘50, and by the Nebraska act,6 black republicanism has raised another furor in the country, and until very lately, they have claimed for congress the power to refuse the admission of any new state recognizing slavery by its constitution.7 Latterly, this plank of their platform has been suppressed. We heard nothing of it on Tuesday evening from Mr. Lincoln. The same caving in as to the restoration of the Missouri restriction, marks the latter day policy of the sectional party, and he as[has] cautiously avoided it. They seek power, Mr. Lincoln naively told us, by the agglomeration of all the discordant elements of faction, and if obtained, the now suppressed platform of ultra abolitionism will be avowed and acted upon. He boldly avowed, in one of his many escapings, that there could be no Union with slavery. That agitatiod[agitation] would be ceaseless until it shall be swept away, but the mode of its eradication he left to inference from his own antecedents and those of the ruling spirits of black-republicanism— Garrison, Greeley, Seward, Sumner, and others of that genus.

To attain power, by whatever means, was the burden of his song, and he pointed to the complexion of the Bloomington ticket as evidence of the desire of the factions to attain it by any process. Bissell, a renegade democrat, headed it. Hoffman, a German nondescript, followed; Miller, ex-whig and probable know-nothing, followed next, while Hatch, Dubois and Powell, avowed know-nothings, brought up the rear. With such a medley— such a fusion of opposites, none can doubt that the end and aim of the Bloomington organization is “power”— and place, and that its managers would sink any principle, trample upon right, law and constitution to attain their object.

Mr. Lincoln’s allusion to Bissell’s services as a warrior was singularly malapropos, in him, at least; Bissell’s laurels having been won in a war, the “identical spot” on which it commenced never could be learned by Mr. L., and consequently had his inveterate opposition during its entire progress, by his congressional action in hampering the democratic administration in its prosecution. In this connection, Bissell may well exclaim— “Save me from such backing!”8

Except from the quad of claquers we have mentioned, Mr. Lincoln’s remarks were received with coldness. He convinced nobody of his own sincerity, of the justness of his cause, nor did he elicit any applause except from the drilled few who occupied the front benches.9

John M. Palmer, the renegade of Macoupin, followed Mr. Lincoln, in the same strain, with a tithe more hyperbole about freedom, and downtrodden Kansas, interlarded with copious abuse of Douglas, and being newer in the abolition ranks, of course he was more vehement in advocacy of black-republican doctrine. He never was a sound democrat, and now that he has thrown off the veil which has covered him for years, he is a most vociferous in his advocacy of the heresies that he ever had a penchant for, while he modestly proclaims that the democracy, as represented from every congressional district in the Union at Cincinnati last week,10 have left him! He declared, and essayed to prove it by documentary evidence, tha the, John M. Palmer, was fixed as the rock of Gibraltar, and that the democracy of the nation were bogus democrats, hence for comfort and prospect of place he condescends to permit the ancient enemies of democracy to act with him, for the advancement of democratic principles! Both he and Mr. Lincoln insisted that they had not budged an inch from their former positions, though professedly wide as the poles hitherto, but now standing shoulder to shoulder upon the narrow plank of sectionalism. The modus operandi of their conjunction, neither having moved his “spot,” they left to the philosophical inference of their highly amused audience.

The second demonstration of black republicanism at the capital, like the first, showed conclusively that the mass of people hereabouts have no sympathy with the black republican movement. Renegade leaders find in the abandonment of principle that they have lost their former hold upon the people, who are not to be veered about at the whim of aspiring demagogues, whose sole object is official position, though it may be reached by a sacrifice of the peace and best interests of the country, and even the stability of the Union. Hence the Bissell-Hoffman ratification of Tuesday night was a tame, spiritless affair. The wire-workers were already made to see that the people are not in their ring.11