Lorenzo D. Whiting to Abraham Lincoln, 23 August 18581
Hon A LincolnDear sir—
I trust my motives will be a sufficient apology for thus addressing a stranger.
I had the pleasure of hearing your discussion at Ottawa with Judge Douglas, and in common with every Republican I have heard express himself, think you in most respects proved yourself his superior–2
But allow me to say that, until you shall explicitly answer his questions—towit: “for or against an receiving any more slave states”—“Abolishing slavery in the district of Columbia” “Fugitive slave law &c[etc.] I think before a popular assembly, he will from this source derive considerable advantage.3
Our state reaching over so many degrees of latitude, & the opposition embracing about about an equal number of degrees of Anti Slavery, probably creates some difficulty in perfectly satisfying all your friends—but allow me to say that I think most any answer is better than none.
My own sentiments are “no more slave states”, but this position seems not exactly in accordance with some utterances of Mr Trumbull & the Chicago Press4
To take this position—“no more slave states” or to say that each case is to be judged as it arises, seems to leave Mr D a little patch of “Popular sovereignty”, while the Position of Mr Trumbull leaves him not a shred.
Should expediency—logical conclusions—& your own judgement & conscience constrain you to take this^Mr Trumbulls^ position, I do not think it will cost you a single vote in the north. Allow me to give, however, as my opinion that the Republican party hereafter & especially if successful will not finally endorse that position– But I write more especially to call
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your attention to a fact in the Political history of the country– It was I think in 1850 when the Senate of the U.S. were considering the bill for abolishing the Slave trade in the Dist[District] of Columbia, Mr Seward of N.Y. offered a substitute for the Bill Abolishing Slavery itself— the question first to be submitted to the legal voters of the district— if not approved to be of no effect, but if approved by a majority vote, then by this Bill– Blank Dollars was appropriated to make a just compensation to the owners & perhaps to defray other expenses–
Thus while the compromise measures of 1850 were under consideration—the very measures which Mr D says introduced Popular Sovereignty— Mr Seward introduced a genuine Popular Sovereignty measure, wherein it was possible that slavery might be the loser, & where was Mr D on the vote?– Not having the documents at hand, I cannot say for certain that he voted at all, but I am quite sure he did, and against the bill, as did ^all^ the whole slave holders & all or nearly all their northern allies– I think Mr S. Mr Chase & Mr Sumner— possibly one or two others was ^were^ all the votes, this Popular sovereignty, wherein freedom might gain, that it received, while Bogus Popular sovereignty, wherein slavery was given some chance, indeed almost forced into free territory, received Mr D,s support.5
I think I found this in a pamphlet published in Chicago ^in^ 1856 containing the Nebrasca-Kansas bill— Speeches of Douglas— seward— Chase—Missouri compromise— Texas compromise— &c–6 The Congressional Globe I suppose will show it all.
All this may be familiar to you, but
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lest it might not, & thinking that, perhaps it might be important in connection with Mr D’s question concerning Abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, I have taken the liberty, (& hope I have not unpardonably intruded,) to send you an intimation of the same.
Allow me one other intimation —
The Position of the Douglas press on the result of the Missouri Election so proves their sympathies with Slavery as to be a rather tender subject with their rank & file–7
Hoping that the Republican cause in Illinois may triumph & you be its worthy representative in the senate I subscribe myself
Respectfully YoursL. D. WhitingP.S. I see by the papers you are to be at Freeport Aug 27th & accordingly I address this to you at that place–8

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[Envelope]
TISKILWA Ill[Illinois].
AUG[AUGUST] 24
Hon. A. LincolnFreeportStephenson CoIllinois.
[ docketing ]
L. D. Whiting9
1Lorenzo D. Whiting wrote and signed this letter. He also wrote Abraham Lincoln’s name and address on the envelope shown in the fourth image.
2Lincoln debated Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois, on August 21. It was the first of the Lincoln-Douglas Debates. Lincoln was the Illinois Republican Party’s candidate to replace Douglas, the incumbent Democrat, in the U.S. Senate. He and Douglas participated in the debates and toured the state throughout the summer and fall of 1858, delivering speeches to drum up political support for local candidates in their respective parties. At the time, members of the Illinois General Assembly—not Illinois voters—elected the state’s representatives in the U.S. Senate. Lincoln and Douglas each therefore paid close attention to the political prospects of candidates for the Illinois Senate and the Illinois House of Representatives. See 1858 Illinois Republican Convention.
The Lincoln Log: A Daily Chronology of the Life of Abraham Lincoln, 21 August 1858, https://www.thelincolnlog.org/Results.aspx?type=CalendarDay&day=1858-08-21; First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois; First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois; First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois; Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 1:458; Allen C. Guelzo, “Houses Divided: Lincoln, Douglas, and the Political Landscape of 1858,” The Journal of American History 94 (September 2007), 392, 394.
3During the debate at Ottawa, Douglas charged Lincoln with having helped draft an antislavery Republican Party platform at a meeting in Springfield, Illinois in October of 1854. In making this allegation, Douglas quoted a more radical platform passed at a Republican meeting in Aurora, Illinois, that same year rather than the actual Springfield platform, then posed a series of questions to Lincoln. He asked whether Lincoln, “stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave States into the Union,” “whether he stands to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia,” and whether he “to-day stands as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the fugitive slave law.”
Lincoln did not catch Douglas’s misrepresentation of the radical Aurora platform for the more moderate Springfield platform during the Ottawa debate and therefore did not correct Douglas at the time, aside from noting that he had not helped create the platform that Douglas read aloud. He responded that Douglas already had his “answer on the Fugitive Slave Law”: “I would give them any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugitives, which should not, in its stringency, be more likely to carry a free man into slavery, than our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent one.” But Lincoln refused to respond in the moment to Douglas’s remaining questions unless Douglas agreed to respond to some of his questions in kind.
During the second debate, in Freeport, Illinois, Lincoln not only confronted Douglas on the platform misrepresentation; he also responded to Douglas’s questions posed at Ottawa, then posed four of his own questions to Douglas. Douglas eventually claimed that his mistake with regard to the Aurora platform was an honest one, even though he made the same misrepresentation in an 1856 speech in the U.S. Senate (which Lyman Trumbull took him to task for at the time).
First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois; First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois; First Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Ottawa, Illinois; Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life, 1:490-92, 503, 507, 513, 531-33; Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln and Douglas: The Debates that Defined America (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2008), 124-25; Second Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Freeport, Illinois; Second Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Freeport, Illinois; Second Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Freeport, Illinois.
4Trumbull’s views on the extension of slavery remained unchanged in the years following the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act: he opposed the extension of slavery, favored restoration of the Missouri Compromise, and supported a free Kansas. In an August 8 speech in Chicago, Illinois, during the campaign of 1858, Trumbull reiterated these views, arguing that it was best to leave slavery “exactly where the men who framed the Constitution left it”: the United States should leave slavery as it was in states where it already existed, allow those states to regulate slavery within their borders, and keep the U.S. territories free of slavery “so long as they remain Territories.” He believed that, once the territories became states, “There is no question what the result will be. If there is no slavery in the Territory, there will be none when the people came to make a State.”
The Chicago Tribune supported these views as well, and at times consulted with Trumbull for advice on how to best handle coverage of ongoing political issues within the context of Illinois politics.
Mark M. Krug, Lyman Trumbull: Conservative Radical (New York: A. S. Barnes, 1965), 110-11, 117, 136; Chicago Daily Press and Tribune (IL), 9 August 1858, 1:2-8.
5On September 12, 1850, William H. Seward made a motion in the U.S. Senate to amend Senate Bill 226, a bill proposing to “suppress” the slave trade in the District of Columbia. His proposed amendments included a provision for the abolition of the slave trade in the District, $200,000 in appropriations for monetary compensation for slave owners, and an election in the District for the approval of this amended bill by a majority of the District population prior to its measures going into effect. Seward’s proposed amendment only received five yeas in the Senate—from Seward, Salmon P. Chase, Henry Dodge, John P. Hale, and William Upham. Douglas was among the forty-five senators who voted against Seward’s proposed amendment. Charles Sumner did not cast a vote. The Senate passed the bill, without Seward’s amendments, and sent it to the U.S. House of Representatives on September 16, 1850. The House passed the bill on September 17, 1850. Its final title was “An Act to Suppress ‘The Slave Trade in the District of Columbia.’”
U.S. Senate Journal. 1850. 31st Cong., 1st sess., 626-27, 634, 637, 646; Biographical Directory of the American Congress 1774-1996 (Alexandria, VA: CQ Staff Directories, 1997), 140-42; U.S. House Journal. 1850. 31st Cong., 1st sess., 1487-88.
6This is almost certainly a reference to a pamphlet that was actually published in 1854 in New York, entitled, The Nebraska Question. It may have been republished and circulated in 1856 as well.
The Nebraska Question: Comprising Speeches in the United States Senate by Mr. Douglas, Mr. Chase, Mr. Smith, Mr. Everett, Mr. Wade, Mr. Badger, Mr. Seward and Mr. Sumner, Together with the History of the Missouri Compromise; Daniel Webster's Memorial in Regard to It--History of the Annexation of Texas--The Organization of the Oregon Territory--And the Compromises of 1850 (New York: Redfield, 1854).
7Whiting references the August 1858 congressional election in Missouri. In the election, Free Soiler Francis P. Blair, Jr. ran against Democrat John R. Barret for the U.S. House of Representatives. The Missouri Democrat supported Douglas and his opposition to the Lecompton Constitution. However, when Douglas celebrated the election of Barret, a supporter of the Lecompton Constitution, the newspaper changed course. Barret had run as a regular Democratic nominee rather than as an anti-Lecompton Democrat, prompting one newspaper to claim that this proved that Douglas’s rejection of the Lecompton Constitution, “was but a ruse to pull the wool over the eyes of Republicans and Americans, and thus secure their votes for his reelection to the Senate.” Accusations of fraud soon appeared, and Blair contested Barret’s win. After a lengthy examination, the U.S. House ordered a new election for the remainder of Barret’s term. Barret remained in his seat to finish out his term, but Blair defeated him in the new election and won the next term in office.
Urbana Union (IL), 12 August 1858, 2:2; Daily Illinois State Journal (Springfield), 5 August 1858, 2:1-3; Biographical Directory of the American Congress 1774-1996 (Alexandria, VA: CQ Staff Directories, 1997), 622-23; La Grange Weekly National American (MO), 14 August 1858, 2:3; L. U. Reavis, Saint Louis: The Future Great City of the World, Biographical Edition (St. Louis: Gray, Baker, 1875), 169.
8Lincoln and Douglas debated one another in Freeport, Illinois, on August 27. Newspapers throughout Illinois published the full debate schedule.
If Lincoln replied to this letter, his response has not been located.
In Illinois’s local elections of 1858, Republicans won a majority of all votes cast in the state, but pro-Douglas Democrats retained control of the Illinois General Assembly and Douglas ultimately won reelection to the U.S. Senate. Despite his loss, Lincoln’s participation in the senate race—and in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates in particular—propelled him to national prominence and helped him win the presidential contest of 1860.
Alton Daily Courier (IL), 9 August 1858, 2:1; Daily Illinois State Journal (Springfield), 6 August 1858, 2:1; Chicago Daily Press and Tribune (IL), 9 August 1858, 1:1; The Lincoln Log: A Daily Chronology of the Life of Abraham Lincoln, 27 August 1858, https://www.thelincolnlog.org/Results.aspx?type=CalendarDay&day=1858-08-27; Second Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Freeport, Illinois; Second Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Freeport, Illinois; Second Debate with Stephen A. Douglas at Freeport, Illinois; Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life, 1:556-57; Allen C. Guelzo, “Houses Divided: Lincoln, Douglas, and the Political Landscape of 1858,” 414.
9Lincoln wrote this docketing in pencil vertically on the left side of the envelope. See the fourth image.

Autograph Letter Signed, 4 page(s), Abraham Lincoln Papers, Library of Congress (Washington, DC).