On retiring from office, were I to consult my own feelings, I should simply take leave of you and my fellow citizens, generally, by an attempt to express that gratitude which I sincerely and most deeply feel, for the generous confidence so repeatedly reposed in me, and by offering an apology for the unsatisfactory manner, to myself, at least, in which I have discharged its high and responsible duties, and leave all suggestions for your deliberations to my worthy successor, in whose abilities and disposition to serve the State faithfully and efficiently, I have, and I doubt not you all have, the fullest confidence. But custom and duty require a different course. I therefore proceed to lay before you, very briefly, my views on several subjects that will probably claim a share of your deliberations during the present session.

In relation to the impolicy of our system of Internal Improvement, my mind has undergone no change as expressed in my objection to the passage of the act, and my recommendation of its repeal at the called session of July, 1837. 2Indeed, if I could then have doubted the evils threatened by this measure, which I did not, experience has now sufficiently shown that all my objections to it must in time be fully realized; and I doubt not, from facts observable by all, that many of those who have most zealously supported the system, begin already to question its propriety. How to correct this mistake, and get rid of the evils with which we are threatened by this improvident act, without too great a sacrifice of public or private interests, is a subject which should, and I doubt not, will occupy your serious and patriotic deliberations, in the proper adjustment of which all should rise above every narrow and selfish view, looking alone to the interest and prosperity of the whole State. That there should have been many mistakes committed, and much waste of public money, in conducting a system of internal improvements on so large a scale, in a country almost entirely destitute of skill and experience in such works, was to have been expected. But I confess they have occurred to an extent never anticipated by myself—and whether by mistake or design, it is very manifest that large sums have been squandered on objects of little or no general utility, and in some cases to the detriment

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of the public interest. My chief objections to the passage of this bill, it will be remembered, were the effects I anticipated it would have on the purity of elections, and the action of the Legislature. The short time that has elapsed has fully verified the soundness of those objections; and when the whole system shall have been completed, and thousands of officers, engineers, agents and laborers, shall have the same common interest in sustaining or opposing any measure which may affect their pay or pecuniary interests, they will not only, as was the case of the last called session, have representatives in your Legislature, but will be here in numbers sufficient, overtly or covertly, legally or illegally, to control its action. The want of economy, and the deleterious effect of such a system, owned, controlled and carried on by the State, are great and insurmountable objections to it; but, in my opinion, not so great, because not of such duration, as the power it confers on the State Government, through its numerous officers and dependants, to influence elections and legislation.

Government in the United States was instituted for the benefit of the whole people—each citizen forming an independent pillar, and all equally supporting the grand fabric, which is the Constitution and laws made by their own hands. The officers created to administer its affairs require no patronage, or power, to sustain their authority or influence over the people, and should have no more given them than is indispensably necessary to a just and efficient discharge of their official duties. To confer a greater power that this on any office or department, of a republican or democratic government, is a violation of good sense and sound discretion—an error which it is feared may prove the destruction of our free and happy institutions. Recent events, even in our own country, have shown that power is never satiated, and confirms the experience of other times, that it “is gradually stealing from the many to the few.” If, therefore, we would preserve our liberties, it should become a fixed principle, that our Government should be clothed with no other authority than is necessary to make, administer and execute the laws. It should have nothing to do with carrying on large plans of Internal Improvement, or any other schemes, which shall of necessity confer upon it, or any of its departments, powers and duties better suited to a bloated monarchy than a plain republican people. I therefore again recommend that all such works of improvement be left in the hands of the citizens of the State, or to corporations created by law; and that the Government have as little to do with them as possible, except to encourage all such undertakings by an equal and liberal subscription for their stock.

For the accomplishment of those, and all objects which require the formation of capital, I would recommend the passage of a general incorporation act, so that the funds belonging to widows and orphans, the imbecile and aged, who are unable to employ them in business, may have the opportunity of using them for the improvement of the country, and thereby receive advantage, while they confer a benefit on the whole community. I would recommend this measure for the further reason that, by limiting the number of appointments, it will prove an antidote to the schemes of those designing politicians who are making war upon every corporation for the purpose of concentrating all power in the hands of Government.

Should it be thought best, however, to continue the present system of Internal Improvement, I would respectfully suggest the propriety of making it the duty of the Engineer to survey and locate all roads, subject to the revision of the Board of Public Works, and not to make such survey and location in obedience to the dictation of any member of the Board; and, also, to require the Engineers to be appointed by sanction of the Board, and not to be removed without its consent, except in cases where their services may not be required.3 Also, of providing for some just, equal, and uniform mode of obtaining the right of way on the several proposed railroads, which might be accomplished by the appointment of three Commissioners for each district; also, so to amend the present act as to enable the courts to punish offences committed under it.

The United States Executive, following the example of the arbitrary governments of the old world, has become a mere political or electioneering establishment, to furnish places, out of which their partizan friends can make fortunes—an influence which is now sweeping every thing within its vortex; making the most important measures, as well as the most trifling elections of the States, to turn upon national politics. The great and growing patronage and power of the Executive Department of the National Government now enable the President to confer higher offices with great honors and pay, with a single exception, than are in the gift of the people themselves. Governors and ex-Governors, Senators and Representatives in Congress, solicit, and feel honored by receiving, second-rate appointments under it. This patronage has been, and is now, notoriously used to influence State elections, and secure supporters for the late and present administration—a power that is becoming more and more extensive every day. At first, the public officers were but a few hundred; now, they number many thousands. They were formerly appointed for their qualifications to serve the public—they are now appointed to obey and serve their party leaders. Formerly, they relied upon their good conduct and fidelity to the public, for continuance in office; now their subservience to “the party” is the most important requisite.4

Formerly, the public officers, acting under regulations of law alone, were checks upon one another; now, under the dictation of the Government, they act as a “unit;” and it is notorious that many of the subordinate collectors who are active supporters of the party, have squandered the public money, with the perfect knowledge of the Executive; and those officers designed by law to hold them in check, in place of doing their duty, have concealed the facts from the people under circumstances which leave no doubt of the motie[motive]. Formerly the public officers were not permitted to become active politicians, for the purpose of influencing elections in the States, and were left to vote and speak like freemen; now, from the President down, they are all active politicians, wielding the influence of office, the power of money and the press to sustain themselves. Under the proscriptive and arbitrary policy of the Executive Government, the public officer looses his independence of action and of speech, the most essential attribute of liberty. It is a maxim, that he who enslaves a citizen is a tyrant, and if so, those who permit it, cannot long expect to retain the name of freemen. If the policy

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of this administration were to stop here, it would not be surprising to hear the deep murmuring of the people from every quarter against the abuse of its power and patronage.

But, in addition to this, which of itself is almost too much for the people, the same administration has continued, for about nine or ten years, one uniform grasp after additional patronage; (a thing which belongs only to ambitious tyrants, to reward the servility of their dependants; a word and principle which should be scowled by every freeman in our country,) until it has now become exceedingly doubtful whether they are not able to sustain themselves in authority, in defiance of the people. How to remedy those evils, and quiet their murmurings and apprehensions, should be a serious subject of enquiry with you and every reflecting citizen in our country, without distinction of party; for, when the ocean heaves, there is no certainty whose bark will be able to ride successfully upon its troubled waves. We have seen that Congress, left to its own action, is not to be relied upon. For its members are too deeply interested in sustaining and increasing a patronage, which hundreds of them look to for the consummation of their highest ambition. To such a degree is this the fact, that it has become a common occurrence for members of Congress to make their places mere stepping stones to higher office; which is now done with perfect assurance, if by servility to the Executive, or by the abandonment of principle and duty, they lose their popularity at home, that the Government will take care of them. To use the popular phrase, the President never neglects those who are crippled in his service.

With such evidences before me, I can see no hope of reform, but for the Legislatures of the different States to instruct their Senators, and the people their Representatives in Congress, to vote for all measures to reduce the Executive patronage, the receipts and expenditures of Government, and to prohibit the removal of public officers on party grounds, or for any cause without assigning a reason to the Senate for such removal: to prohibit members of Congress from receiving appointments from the Executive of the United States for at least two years after the expiration of the time for which they may have been elected; and to prohibit, under severe penalties, any officer of the United States Government from persuading, bribing or otherwise influencing voters at elections; from conducting a newspaper press; from bribing or influencing any editor of a paper to support any political party, or contributing money for either of the before named purposes: those powers form the great lever with which the Executive is now controlling the politics and elections of the whole country. Correct them, and all other abuses, great as they are, will be come comparatively harmless; and the Government, which now, like a mighty river, has overflowed the whole land, will sink quietly within its limits, and aspiring men will once more rely upon patriotism, virtue, and talents, to secure those places of honor which every citizen of our country should, and under such circumstances would, become ambitious to receive.

The work on the Illinois and Michigan canal has progressed as rapidly as could have been expected. $444,292 have been received by the Canal Commissioners on account of lots and land sold. $500,000 of State bonds were sold in 1836 and 1837, in New York at 5 per cent. premium; 5

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and $500,000 have recently been sold in this State to the State Bank of Illinois at par; of which sums, all except $10,591[.]61, have been paid over to the Canal Commissioners, which balance remains on deposite in the State Bank of Illinois, subject to the order of my successor. In anticipation of the Commissioners’ report, which I am informed will not be ready before the 20th instant, I am authorized to say that all of the summit division lying between Chicago and Lockport, all of the lower division extending to La Salle from Marseilles, and that part of the middle division from Lockport to Dresden, are under contract, together will all locks, aqueducts, dams, culverts, &c.[etc.], leaving only that part of the line (23 miles) between Dresden and Marseilles yet to be let; composed chiefly of light and cheap work. The work under contract will amount to about seven and a half millions, and is progressing well. Several sections on the lower division are completed, and all others have so far progressed as to establish their entire practicability, and show that they will be finished at less than the original estimates of the board. The gross expenditures are about $1,400,000, the principal part of which have been made in the last year. With proper appropriations, the board are confident that the canal can be finished early in the summer of 1844, and they are just as confident that the lands, if not passed into market, will build the canal. Provision for further means to carry on this work will be a subject for your early consideration, and I most earnestly recommend it to your fostering care. Considering the canal now, as I ever have considered it, a national highway, to be kept as free as the waters of the Mississippi or St. Lawrence, and that the nation stands pledged to furnish the entire means for its completion, I would again recommend that such additional loans be made as may be required for immediate purposes, to be replaced out of the sale of lands, and if the lands already granted shall not produce a fund sufficient to make the canal, to apply to Congress for further appropriations; and with this view I would again respectfully suggest the importance of keeping Congress and the Executive branch of the General Government regularly informed of the progress and expenses of the work, as it will be seen by reference to a report made by the unanimous vote of the standing committee on roads and canals, in the House of Representatives in Congress, on the 25th of June, 1834,6 on an application for further aid to enable the State of Illinois to construct a steamboat canal from Lake Michigan to the Illinois river, and from the articles of cession and the ordinance of 1787, Congress and the nation stand committed to furnish the entire means for completing this canal. (See Doc.[Document] No. 356.) Said report concludes as follows:

“For the reason that no estimates have been made of the probable cost of this work, further aid from the United States towards the construction of this interesting communication, should be deferred till such an examination and estimates be made, and a plan adopted by the State of Illinois for construction of its necessary works. When the plan shall have been fixed and presented to the consideration of Congress, there can be no doubt that, if approved by them, additional aid will be afforded to an enterprise of such national importance.”

The Banks of our State, as well as those in most of our sister States, since the rejection of the Government Sub-Treasury scheme by Congress, have resumed specie payments, and are fully entitled to the public applause and confidence they are now enjoying, for the prudence and judg-

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ment they have used in sustaining themselves, under difficulties of so threatening a nature.7 The subjects of Banking and Credit are now undergoing a severe scrutiny in this country; and it is but reasonable to suppose that such investigation, though obscured by party prejudice, may result in something beneficial to our country; and while the public mind is thus engaged, I beg leave to present for your consideration a proposition submitted in my message in 1836, the object of which (without touching the subject of Banking now in existence, or that of a National Currency) was, if practicable, to increase the investment of capital in our State, and at the same time to produce a sound and efficient credit system, by the State furnishing (without becoming in anywise responsible for their payment,) scrip or notes of a uniform description for the full amount of all sums which any individual or companies may actually invest in loans at 6 per cent. for five or more years, to be secured by mortgage on real estate; which scrip or notes to contain on their face, authentic evidence of the funds pledged for their redemption, and to be used at the discretion of the holder, as a circulating medium, and redeemable in specie according to promise, under heavy penalties, and the mortgaged premises to be held bound for their ultimate payment. I doubt not, a system may be formed by an act of this kind, with proper details, which would, by making this scrip an available stock, as well as to answer for a circulating medium, induce capitalists and others holding money in or out of the State to loan it to our citizens for a long period, at low rates of interest, and at the same time furnish a system of credit, based upon the most perfect possible security—which would invite capitalists from abroad—put all the dormant funds now in the country into active use, and at once, for all practical purposes, double the amount thus invested, and so classify the monetary operations of the State as to furnish permanent loans to the farmer and mechanic for improvement, and the temporary use of money to the merchant and trader.

Reclaiming the wet and overflowed lands of the river bottoms of this State, especially the Mississippi, Illinois and Wabash, for the purpose of promoting health and reducing them to cultivation, is a subject of much interest, and one that I would recommend to your consideraion; at least so far as to solicit the aid of Congress, either by appropriation or a donation of the unsold lands within, and adjoining to, said bottoms, to assist in accomplishing the work, in which the United States have an equal interest with this State. The rapidly increasing commerce on those rivers requires an immediate improvement of their channels; and as the United States are bound to keep them open, by an agreement with Virginia, in the articles of cession, and with the Governments of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, in the following article of the ordinance of 1787, which was required to be made a part of the constitution of those States; to wit: “Article 4. The navigation of the waters leading into the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, and the carrying places between the same, shall be common highways and forever free, as well to the inhabitants of said territory as to the citizens of the United States and those of any other States that may be admitted into the confederacy, without any tax, impost or duty therefor;” and as those two rivers, the Wabash and Illinois, are recognized to be the waters alluded to, and the United States have provided for improving the carrying places between them and the lakes,

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there can be no doubt, when properly informed of the importance and necessity of such improvements, that the United States Government will act in good faith, and immediately cause every obstruction to be removed from their channels. I would therefore recommend that this subject be laid before Congress at its present session.

The passage of an efficient road law, which would not only open and improve, but render the public highways permanent and straight, is greatly desired, and would be a measure of general utility. A mineralogical and agricultural survey of the State could not but be attended with the most favorable results; and I doubt not, the former would develope new sources of wealth to our enterprising citizens, while the latter would exhibit a variety of valuable productions, which our best informed farmers have no knowledge that either our climate or infant settlement are capable of producing.

A well arranged and properly disciplined Militia gives to a free people the confidence of a strong man;—if neglected, confusion and dismay will be the consequence at every appearance of danger. Too much attention, therefore, cannot be bestowed upon this subject, and I would suggest the propriety of offering additional inducements for raising and equipping independent companies, and of requiring, under the severest penalties, the strict performance of military duty by every qualified citizen of a suitable age. It is a tribute which we must expect to pay for the enjoyment of our liberty, and it is the only means of preventing the establishment of a large, expensive and dangerous standing army, by the National Government. For when the people cease to protect themselves, it is only natural that the Government should take them under its care.

While I should be the last man in our country to advise any improper or illegal increase of executive authority, I would respectfully recommend that this department of our State Government be invested with all the appointments and responsibilities which were conferred upon it by the Constitution, and which have been assumed by the Legislature, not only because it is due to the majesty of the law, but on account of the responsibility of the Executive to the whole people, and his more general acquaintance with them, which qualifies him pre-eminently for the discharge of such duties; and it is an absurdity, in my opinion, for a legislative body consisting of so many members, whose duty it is to make laws, to assume the powers and responsibility of electing officers for counties and districts in which the majority of them have no acquaintance, and to the inhabitants of which they owe no responsibility; and especially is it unwise for a Legislature to consume its time, and distract its deliberations, with elections which properly belong to another department.

Every possible encouragement should be given to institutions of learning, whether the common school or college; they are the corner stones of our free Government. Education is the foundation of every enjoyment of man in this world, and of hope of blessing in the world to come;—and I am happy to say that our own State already exhibits some of the improvements in schools and modes of instruction, which so peculiarly distinguish the present age.

It will be found that the present revenue is altogether inadequate to the expenditures of the State, and has been so for a number of years, until the Legislature have appropriated for the current expenses of the State

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Government $719,784[.]61, of the School Fund, which should be replaced as early as practicable, and the future support of Government be provided for by an increase of the taxes, which may be very small, as the amount of taxable land is rapidly increasing.

The $2,000,000 of stock in the State Bank of Illinois, and $1,000,000 in the Bank of Illinois, which was authorized to be subscribed, has been taken, and the State bonds for three millions have been executed and delivered to the Fund Commissioners for that purpose. State bonds to the amount of $2,204,000 have also been sold by the Fund Commissioners, on account of Internal Improvement, and $1,000,000 has been issued and sold on account of the Illinois and Michigan canal; $417,919[.]14 has been received on deposite from the United States out of its surplus revenue, ($364.[,]192[.]29 of which sum was, however, appropriated to and forms a part of the School Fund;) these sums together with the $719,784[.]61 of the School Fund, and the sum of $19,009[.]25 deficiency in the Treasury, on the 1st day of December, constitute the debt, by the State, and amount in the whole to $6,558,601[.]57.

The dreadful ravages and baneful effects of intemperance are felt and acknowledged in our whole country. Christians, philanthropists, and statesmen, not only of this, but every part of the civilized world, are now engaged in exposing the extent and evils of this degrading and most alarming vice; and some of our sister States have undertaken, by legislative provision, to eradicate the evil from among them; and I would most respectfully and earnestly recommend the subject as one worthy of your serious consideration.

In taking leave of you, gentlemen, allow me to offer the assurances of my sincere good wishes and friendly feelings for every one of you, as well as for each of your predecessors. The violence with which I have been assailed by my political opponents, during the whole time I have been in office, has caused no rankling in my bosom. The plain manner in which I have felt it my duty to speak of what I sincerely believed to be the errors and abuses of the party now in power, I well knew, would bring their vengeance with all its force upon me; and had I loved ease and office more than my duty, I should have chosen a very different course. But I owe too strong a debt of gratitude to the people of Illinois, and hold the constitution and freedom of the country in too much esteem, ever to shrink from the discharge of any duty which their honor, interest, or safety, require of me.

In conclusion, allow me, gentlemen, to remind you of our obligations to Divine Providence, for the unusual share of health and for the abundant crops and improvements with which our State has been blessed during the last and present years. To secure a continuance of those blessings, and success to your labors as legislators, we must look to, and invoke the blessing of God, who holds the destiny of the world in his own Almighty hand, and who has said that nothing shall prosper which does not acknowledge Him as its author.