Report of Speech at Petersburg, Illinois, 30 August 18561
Lincoln in Petersburg.
Petersburg, September 1st.Editors Register: On Saturday last our town was honored by the presence of that great high-priest of abolitionism, Abram Lincoln. His mission had been foretold by hand-bills, stating that he would “address the
people of Menard upon the important issues of the day.” The curiosity of many of our citizens was
naturally aroused, as such a thing as a Fremont speech (which this promised to be) had never been heard in Menard county. A considerable
number, therefore, turned out to hear him, among whom was your correspondent. I arrived
there rather late, for the gentleman had commenced speaking. As I entered I heard
him pronouncing, with thundering emphasis, a beautiful passage from Webster’s compromise speech, and that, too, without the quotations. This was a promising commencement; but it was soon evident that he had read Webster
for the letter rather than the spirit.2 He then branched off by condemning “the representative system of the south,” and displayed
its alleged evils in every possible, and we may say impossible, manner. He then fell
back, by spasmodic convulsions, to pronouncing eulogies upon the constitution, hardly remembering that this same “damning representative system of the south” was
one of the essential compromises of that constitution, and that this same thing had
been the rant and cant of all northern fanatics against the constitution ever since
its adoption.3 He wished all to read the black republican platform; and, after reading that platform, he wished any man to point out the sectionalism
in it. There was none. (Let him look at the flag of his country raised upon that platform, with fifteen
glorious stars erased from its national constellation, and ask the same question.)4 “It was a slander,” he said, “upon the good sense of the southern people to say that if Fremont is elected that
the Union will be divided; that it matters not if both candidates be from free states,”5 and here he repeats that which you have satisfactorily answered— that both president and vice president of the United States now are from the free states.6 He cited David Wilmot as one of his “democratic” authorities; gave a history of a bargain between Long John Wentworth and President Pierce, stating that when the Nebraska bill was first proposed, the president had called him (Wentworth) to his councils in order to find out what he had better
do, and which side he should take, promising, in the meanwhile, that would abide his
(W.’s) decision; that he had broken his word, and taken the other side. All of this
Lincoln knew to be true, for Long John had told him so! He said that when the Nebraska bill was first proposed, that there
was not a man in Illinois in favor of it. Wonder how they came to be, and who brought about the mighty change, and how was
it, if Mr. Lincoln speaks truth, that all the democrats, and with four exceptions only, all their opponents, including Mr. O. M. Hatch, Mr. Lincoln’s candidate for secretary of state, voted directly for a resolution
in the house of representatives of Illinois in 1851 which indorsed the principles of the Nebraska bill, and how was it that all
the democrats, and all their opponents but four, in the house of representatives of Illinois, in 1851, instructed our members of
congress to organize all future teritories on those principles, as a continuance of the adjustment of 1850?7 He said the democrats “pronounced the declaration of independence a self-evident lie.”8
After continuing in this strain for some time, a “change came over the spirit of his
dreams,”9 while he directed his attention to the Fillmoreites present, advising them to fuse with abolitionism, for it was “anything to beat the democrats.” Ever and anon he raise his voice, and, with terrible “shrieks for freedom,” told
them to “come to the rescue,” for the little mustang is in danger.10 For all this, receiving no signs of sympathy, he became disgusted at his own impudence
And here quietly vanished away the post mortem candidate for the vice presidency of the abolition political cock-boat, the depot
master of the underground railroad, the great Abram Lincoln.11 He left no traces of his appearance, and has now “gone to be seen no more,” leaving
behind him, in Menard, half a dozen poor souls, to mourn the political death-knell
of John C. Fremont in next November.12
Yours,MANLIUS.1The Democratic Illinois State Register published this report of Abraham Lincoln’s speech as a letter to the editors from
“Manlius.” No other report on the content of this speech has been located, with the
exception of a brief mention of it in the Illinois State Journal, which described his remarks as “well timed” and having “a most telling effect.”
From July 1856 onwards Lincoln gave over fifty speeches across Illinois in support
of Republican presidential candidate John C. Fremont and to rally the disparate elements
of the emerging Republican Party. See the 1856 Federal Election.
The Illinois State Journal also reported that in this speech Lincoln had contemptuously dismissed a story in
the Illinois State Register regarding Lyman Trumbull’s election as U.S. Senator in 1855 over Lincoln. This was an apparent reference to
discussion in the Illinois State Register and other newspapers of an August 1856 speech by James H. Matheny at a meeting in Petersburg in support of American Party presidential candidate Millard Fillmore. In his speech Matheny asserted that when Illinois Whigs, Abolitionists, Know Nothings, and anti-Nebraska Democrats joined together in the election of 1854 to defeat mainstream Democrats, one of their agreements was that a Whig was to be
chosen for the U.S. Senate seat. He argued that this promise was broken when Trumbull’s supporters refused to
elect Lincoln. Matheny was at this time drawing parallels with the efforts of the
emerging Republican Party, members of which he claimed were pressuring Fillmore supporters
to vote for Republican presidential candidate Fremont instead. In the analysis of
the Illinois State Register, both Fillmore and Fremont supporters were scheming to control former Whigs for their
own ends.
Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 1:425-33; Franklin William
Scott, Newspapers and Periodicals of Illinois, 1814-1879, vol. 6 of Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library
(Springfield: Illinois State Historical Library, 1910), 323; Daily Illinois State Journal (Springfield), 3 September 1856, 2:1; Rock Island Morning Argus (IL), 13 August 1856, 2:3; Daily Illinois State Register (Springfield), 23 August 1856, 3:1.
2Daniel Webster outlined his support for what ultimately became the Compromise of 1850 in two speeches in the U.S. Senate, his famous March 7, 1850 speech “The Constitution
and the Union,” and his follow up speech of July 17, 1850, entitled “The Compromise
Measures”. It is unclear which Lincoln may have referenced here. Throughout the 1850s
Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas argued over whether Whigs or Democrats deserved credit for the Compromise of 1850, and both claimed to be the successor of Whig leaders Webster and Henry Clay.
Charles M. Wiltse and Alan R. Berolzheimer, eds., The Papers of Daniel Webster: Speeches and Formal Writings, Volume 2, 1834-1852 (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1988), 513-51, 553-78; Richard N.
Current, “Lincoln and Daniel Webster,” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 48 (Autumn 1955), 312-14.
3Lincoln is here likely discussing the Three-Fifths Compromise, as he did three days
earlier in a speech he gave in Kalamazoo, Michigan. Under Article one, section two of the U.S. Constitution, the number of representatives
that each state is granted in the U.S. House of Representatives is determined in proportion to the population of the state. For the purposes of apportionment,
three-fifths of the total number of a state’s enslaved persons were added to each
state’s population. The Three-Fifths Compromise, reached during the 1787 Constitutional Convention and in force until the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868, granted
slave-holding states more representatives in Congress as well as more electoral votes
in presidential elections than they would have had if only the number of free persons
were used to calculate each state’s congressional apportionment.
U.S. Const. art. I, § 2-3; U.S. Const. amend. XIV; James Oakes, The Crooked Path to Abolition: Abraham Lincoln and the Antislavery Constitution (New York: W. W. Norton, 2021), 10-11.
4The 1856 Republican Party platform opposed the extension of slavery to the territories and advocated the immediate admission
of Kansas to the union as a free state.
The fifteen stars of the United States flag referenced were presumably those that
represented the fifteen slave states.
Proceedings of the First Three Republican National Conventions of 1856, 1860 and 1864 (Minneapolis, MN: Charles W. Johnson, 1893), 43-44; David Herbert Donald, Lincoln
(New York: Touchstone, 1995), 167-68.
5Republican presidential candidate Fremont was from California and the party’s vice presidential candidate, William L. Dayton, was from New Jersey, both free states.
Proceedings of the First Three Republican National Conventions of 1856, 1860 and 1864, 59-66; David Herbert Donald, Lincoln, 167-68.
6Jesse D. Bright of Indiana was at this time president pro tempore of the U.S. Senate. Under Article one, section
three of the U.S. Constitution, the Senate president pro tempore assumed the duties
of president of the Senate in the absence of the vice president. President Franklin
Pierce’s vice president, William R. D. King, had died in 1853 shortly after taking the oath of office, thus in the absence of
a vice president Bright was effectively the acting vice president of the United States,
and, consequently, second in line for the presidency.
Lincoln’s statements denying that the 1856 Republican Party platform was sectional,
arguing that Fremont’s election would not divide the nation, and pointing out that
Pierce and Bright were both from free states echo similar statements he made in a
speech in Galena on July 23, 1856, and in his recent speech in Kalamazoo.
Biographical Directory of the American Congress 1774-1996
(Alexandria, VA: CQ Staff Directories, 1997), 147, 151; U.S. Const. art. I, § 3; Report of Speech at Galena, Illinois; Report of Speech at Galena.
7In 1851 Aaron Shaw introduced a preamble and resolutions on slavery and the Compromise of 1850 into
the Illinois House of Representatives. After being referred to a committee, the resolutions
were taken up for discussion in the House, and Ninian W. Edwards offered an amendment in the form of an additional eighth resolution which affirmed
the right of people to form their own governments. The resolution asserted that no
limitations should be applied to this right in the organization in any U.S. territory
of a territorial government or state constitution. The resolutions were voted on individually
and were all adopted, with this eighth resolution passing by a vote of 61 to 4, with
Ozias M. Hatch voting with the majority.
John Clayton, comp., The Illinois Fact Book and Historical Almanac 1673-1968
(Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1970), 217-18;
Illinois House Journal. 1851. 17th G. A., 1st sess., 6-8, 30, 126-34.
8Reference to a key point of a speech that John Pettit of Indiana gave in the U.S. Senate during that body’s debate of the Kansas-Nebraska Act. Pettit had argued that, in crafting the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson had never intended the phrase “all men are created equal” to apply to slaves. In
a play upon Jefferson’s concept of self-evident truths, Pettit declared the notion
a “self-evident lie,” asserting that “it is not true that even all persons of the
same race are created equal.”
Cong. Globe, 33rd Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 214 (1854).
9This quotation is adapted from the poem “The Dream” by George Gordon Byron, sixth Baron Byron.
The Works of Lord Byron (London: John Murray, 1819), 3:296.
10In the campaign rhetoric of the 1856 election, Fremont’s supporters depicted him as
a strong, young, mustang colt, in contrast to Democratic candidate James Buchanan, who they described as an old gray horse.
Songs for Freemen: A Collection of Campaign and Patriotic Songs for the People (Utica, NY: H. H. Hawley, 1856), 25-26.
11Lincoln had been nominated at the recent 1856 Republican National Convention to be the party’s candidate for vice president, but the candidacy ultimately went
to Dayton.
A cockboat is the small boat belonging to a larger ship, especially one towed behind
a ship traveling up or down a river.
Proceedings of the First Three Republican National Conventions of 1856, 1860 and 1864, 61-66; William R. Trumble and Angus Stevenson, eds., Shorter Oxford English Dictionary on Historical Principles, 5th ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 1:439.
12Lincoln left Petersburg by September 2, 1856, when he was in the town of Lincoln for his next campaign speech.
Although he earned 40.2 percent of the vote statewide in Illinois in the 1856 presidential
election, Fremont fared much worse in Menard County, garnering only 6.7 percent of
the vote there, while Buchanan earned 52.4 percent and Fillmore received 41 percent.
The Lincoln Log: A Daily Chronology of the Life of Abraham Lincoln, 2 September 1856, http://www.thelincolnlog.org/Results.aspx?type=CalendarDay&day=1856-09-02; Howard W. Allen and Vincent A. Lacey, eds., Illinois Elections, 1818-1990 (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1992), 10, 136.
Printed Document, 1 page(s), Daily Illinois State Register (Springfield), 4 September 1856, 2:4.